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He lives with his parents and works part time as a waiter.

The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in Its First Decade

At least, that was his life before the protests. They consider themselves front-line defenders of their home town and the tip of the spear against Chinese authoritarianism. The marchers fanned out to fill the empty road, walking past the Wai Yip Street substation and down along the edge of Kowloon Bay.

The gathering was diverse and relatively mellow—senior citizens and a few families with baby strollers meandered along; packs of masked students walked among organizers chanting into loudspeakers. Volunteers lined the route, passing out bottles of water and packets of crackers. Peter and his friends were full of testosterone and swagger, their limbs jerking with energy. They tripped along so fast that they reached the front of their group, with organizers calling out to them to wait, to give the others a chance to catch up.

Peter explained the problem: one of the guys was carrying a new identity card, rumored to contain a chip that can be used to identify and track people down. They were looking for a piece of foil to wrap the card, believing that this might protect him. But the shops and restaurants had closed in anticipation of unrest. The teen-ager was not convinced. He kept dashing off, ten feet in one direction and then another.

The protesters reached the end point of the march, a small park, and milled around on the grass. With the formal event finished, the families and unmasked marchers began to leave. The younger, more radical demonstrators remained, typing furiously into their phones or clumping together for muttered consultations. Peter was getting information from scouts who move around the perimeter of the protests, climbing onto rooftops to track the police.

Hong Kong police have begun rounding up pro-democracy leaders, and officials have hinted at the possibility of imposing emergency law. China, meanwhile, has been ostentatiously moving troops around on the edge of Hong Kong and inside the city.

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Leung, who is thirty-two, is a spokeswoman for a protest group called the Civil Human Rights Front. But, like many members of the democracy movement, she believes that the militants are both strategically necessary and morally noble.

They were really heroic. The buildings were her way of communicating what had happened, I realized; she was offering me a tour of an uprising. She described watching in horror while police beat demonstrators with batons and pro-Beijing legislators cowered out of sight.

But the clashes were crucial, she insisted, because they physically blocked lawmakers from reaching the Legislative Council to vote on for a second reading of the extradition bill.

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Leung stared into her cup and mentioned that date again: June 12th. It made me realize I can never celebrate my birthday again. Her voice cracked and suddenly she was weeping. She took off her glasses, fished a worn scrap of fabric from her bag and scrubbed at her eyes. Her grandparents were farmers who fled poverty in the province of Guangdong and wound up living in what was then a bustling, British-ruled port city.

Her father drove a taxi; her mother worked as a cleaner. Leung grew up in a gritty public-housing estate. At home, no one ever spoke about politics except to discourage their discussion. When the family travelled to Guangdong to visit relatives, her parents forbade her to bring any newspapers.

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And yet she dreamed of a life in politics. She was mesmerized by this man who ate Hong Kong egg tarts and kissed babies, who spoke beautiful English and seemed to inspire a particularly harsh vitriol from critics in inspired torrents of mainland China. The Global Times , a tabloid run by the ruling Communist Party flagship paper People's Daily, said on Monday the election was "highly politicized amid the ongoing social unrest," even as it sparked "reflection.

Beijing has not commented directly on the results of Hong Kong's election although President Xi Jinping's government has blamed foreign interference in its domestic affairs.


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As Hong Kong is part of China, its affairs are purely domestic affairs. China is determined in safeguarding national sovereignty, security, and development interests," said Geng Shuang, a foreign ministry spokesman at a scheduled press conference on Monday, according to an official transcript. Sign up for free newsletters and get more CNBC delivered to your inbox.

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Privacy Policy. All Rights Reserved. Data also provided by. Skip Navigation. The government also proposed to add 10 seats to the LegCo, with five directly-elected through geographical constituencies and five functional constituencies elected by District Councillors. The government claimed that this was the best deal they could muster given the constraints of the NPCSC verdict.

According to Annex I and II of the Basic Law, an amendment of the electoral methods of CE and LegCo requires the consent of two-thirds majority of the LegCo, which means the 25 pro-democrats in the LegCo could veto the proposal if they vote en bloc against it. Initially, the mainstream democrats, represented by the Democratic Party and the Article 45 Concern Group which combined for 12 votes in the legislature indicated their willingness to approve the proposal on the condition that the appointed members of the District Councils would be excluded in the expanded Election Committee.

Many in the pro-democracy were ready to approve the proposal if the amendment be made, which included the Article 45 Concern Group. Although hardliners in the camp refused to make any concession [3]. In the following weeks, the political winds shifted abruptly to a radical direction. A dozen political parties and civil groups began for another mass rally just before the voting on the proposal. On 4 November, several democratic leaders met with religious leaders Bishop Joseph Zen and Reverend Chu Yiu-ming who persuaded them to vote en bloc against the government proposal.

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A week later, a political advertisement appeared on front pages of several newspapers showing a sandglass in black background with one written phrase: "Tell me, would I live to see universal suffrage? As a result, the pro-democrats raised their stakes by demanding a clear road and timetable to full democracy.

The claimed to veto the proposal unless the appointment system in the District Councils was abolished and a clear road map and timetable were offered.